Former Prime Minister, opposition leader, and Chairman of the Maoist Centre, Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda,” has pointed to the current electoral system as a primary cause of rampant corruption and commission-based politics. In the past, he advocated for a directly elected executive head and a fully proportional electoral system. However, in the context of Nepal—a small nation strategically situated between two global powers—direct elections for the executive could pose serious security risks. Moreover, the proportional electoral system, as practiced in Nepal, has already proven ineffective.
Instead of ensuring inclusive representation, the proportional electoral system has become a legal channel for distributing political rewards to close family members—wives, brothers, in-laws, and other relatives—while also serving as a means to collect money from individuals willing to “purchase” parliamentary positions.
It is particularly surprising that even the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) has now demanded a directly elected executive head. The party is reportedly pushing for a constitutional amendment to that effect. Yet, introducing such a system could invite foreign powers to influence or even “sponsor” candidates, thereby threatening national sovereignty.
The most suitable political model for Nepal is one rooted in a robust system of checks and balances. The existing parliamentary system—comprising the legislature, the executive, and an independent judiciary—can serve as an ideal democratic framework if we dismantle the power syndicate of major political parties. To safeguard democracy, the judiciary and constitutional bodies must be fully independent and shielded from political interference.
For this balance to be effective, the reinstatement of a constitutional monarchy should be seriously considered. As a non-elected and neutral institution, the monarchy can serve as a unifying force and a guardian of national sovereignty and independence. Furthermore, Parliament must not be reduced to a rubber stamp for ruling parties but must function as an autonomous and deliberative institution.
Judicial appointments and the selection of officials in constitutional bodies should be based solely on meritocracy, not on partisan quotas. The current practice of allocating these roles through political Bhagbanda between ruling and opposition parties must end.
Additionally, the anti-corruption body must be empowered with full autonomy and legal authority to investigate and prosecute without bias. The provincial structure, which has become an additional burden on national resources and governance, should be dismantled. In its place, local governments should be strengthened and empowered, ensuring more effective service delivery and people-centric governance.
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