By Rabi Raj Thapa
What are the reasons for the anger, frustration and anxiety of European Gen-Z youth today? They are the same as those of young people in Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and India. The same slogans, the same grievances. It is hard to believe. Political crises in Europe have clearly demonstrated that any form of socio-political unrest is enough to expose the weaknesses of any government, whether in Asia or Europe. Until recently, people in South Asia, especially in Nepal, strongly believed that Europe, America and Australia were lands of fortune and riches. Now, they have realised that these places are no longer exceptions. The question now arises: what could be the reasons behind the demonstrations, protests, riots, violence and looting by European Gen-Z youth, similar to what we witnessed in Nepal?
Fareed Zakaria, a prominent journalist, political commentator and author, may offer some answers and explanations. In his book The Future of Freedom, he writes: “When countries become democratic at low levels of development, their democracy usually dies.” He quotes political scientists Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi as saying that “in a democratic country that has a per capita income of under US$1,500 (in today’s dollars), the regime on average had a life expectancy of just eight years. With between $1,000 and $3,000, it survives on average for about eighteen years. Above $6,000, it becomes highly resilient.” He then observes that “thirty-two democratic regimes have existed at incomes above roughly US$9,000 for a combined total of 736 years, whereas of the 69 democratic regimes that were poorer, 39 failed—a death rate of 56 percent.”
Democracy in Nepal has died six times, and federalism has nearly collapsed or been brought to an end several times. Yet, it has fortunately been kept alive through resuscitation by its staunch supporters, by hook or by crook—even through immoral and illegal means—since 2008.
Nepali republicans must now be wondering why Nepal’s republican system is taking the country from bad to worse. They must also be asking why even successful European systems of government are facing such unprecedented crises today. Perhaps the reason is that these countries, too, are experiencing economic decline, much like poorer democracies in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
In reality, the mindset of the “White Man’s Burden” has never left the former European colonial rulers. Even after crises resembling the Arab Spring and the Gen-Z movements in South Asia, they continue to regard themselves as superior to and different from the rest of the world.
An assessment of what is happening in France and other European countries suggests that the crisis is ultimately about who gets to define the nation and what happens when promises of economic success and national unity collide with the deteriorating realities of governance.
The euphoria of being NATO member countries must surely be wearing off by now. NATO members were too busy committing five per cent of their GDP to the military-industrial complex. Now, their citizens are demanding that their governments spend more on housing, education, employment and livelihoods.
Why are the streets of European countries filled with millions of angry citizens? What has gone wrong? European countries had higher per capita GDPs and enjoyed successful democratic systems, whether federal republics or monarchies. Their national economies had accumulated considerable wealth during the colonial era. But now, as that wealth and prosperity diminish, the blame is being shifted onto immigrants, many of whom helped sustain their economies, and onto the ruling establishments that governed them for centuries.
Coming back to Nepal, Dr. Amresh, K. P. Sharma Oli, Prachanda and Deuba appear to be looking for an excuse to foment public unrest, beginning in the Tarai districts after Deepawali, to advance their political agendas. The national economy was nurtured and developed under the Panchayat system and parliamentary democracy, but these leaders undermined the country’s institutions to satisfy their insatiable hunger for power and money. They became addicted to power in the same way that drug addicts become dependent on harmful substances. They looted public coffers through corruption and misgovernance. Now, democracy is faltering. Former leaders need to be rehabilitated, not reinstated to power by any means. They must be compelled to live like ordinary citizens. They should learn a lesson from the royal family they tricked and cheated.
All the old tricks and calculations of failed Nepali leaders are simple and straightforward: to incite and persuade Nepali citizens to rise up again and bring down the Balen government. They will blame the government for failing to protect national interests, safeguard citizens’ livelihoods, maintain public order and deliver reliable public services. They will then attempt to return to power by claiming that the Balen government has exhausted its relevance and usefulness.
For Prime Minister Balen Shah, the best strategy for political survival is to deliver economic development in Nepal, without which the country’s democracy will not survive. Most importantly, he must rein in the populist finance minister and ensure that he behaves like a finance minister, not a foreign minister. He needs to follow the principles Fareed Zakaria outlines for a successful democracy. Rather than indulging in populist rhetoric about ending anti-India nationalism, he should focus on economic development, controlling corruption and enforcing sound financial regulations. He must remember that he is the finance minister, not the foreign minister. And it is the prime minister’s responsibility to bring him into line if he wants to succeed as head of government.
Dr. Swarnim Wagle, as finance minister, needs to focus more on citizens’ grievances over rising household expenses, pressure on public services and anxiety about employment. Meanwhile, senior Nepali parliamentarian and Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) chairman Rabi Lamichhane should concentrate on fulfilling the commitments outlined in his historic “Citizen Contract”, signed in February 2026. He needs to recognise that Nepali people have become increasingly anxious and now feel more uncertain and insecure than ever before because of external pressure and foreign intervention. Most importantly, he must pay greater attention to the scale of growing public discontent if he wants his government to complete its full term.
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