By P.R. Pradhan
If we do not learn from history and contemporary global developments, we will be no better than foolish people. Currently, we are passing through a very critical phase. Both of our neighbors are suspicious of our activities.
Our Prime Minister, Balendra Shah, does not speak much but acts. One section of society believes he is a man of action who will clean up the mountain of anomalies created by political leaders since the 1990 political change. They also believe that PM Shah will curb the corrupt practices entrenched in society.
However, another section believes that he is nothing more than a Lucifer representing the American deep state. Balendra’s excessive affection toward Sudan Gurung and the allocation of a special ministry to look after the LGBTQ community—whose population is estimated at around 3,000 in Nepal—are considered by critics to be part of the latest agenda of the American deep state.
Although there is no specific law related to LGBTQ issues, the court, perhaps under the Western influence, has recognized same-sex marriage, and under court orders, such marriages are being registered by district administration offices. Why did Balen need a ministry to oversee the LGBTQ community when our two neighbors have refused to recognize this community, and even the Donald Trump administration has declined to recognize it in the United States?
Our so-called foreign relations experts are debating the country’s geopolitical location. Some describe Nepal as a buffer state, whereas others reject this characterization. In fact, as explained by King Prithvi Narayan Shah, Nepal is “a yam between two boulders.”
India wants to keep Nepal under its security umbrella, while China does not want to lose access to the Indian market. The way the Trump administration made a “U-turn” on Taiwan issue sends a clear message. In the present context, Nepal has limited strategic options in conducting diplomacy with its two giant neighbors.
Developing balanced relations based on equidistance with the two immediate neighbors as well as other friendly countries, while strengthening the national economy and empowering national security forces, should be Nepal’s two main priorities.
If our young Prime Minister Balendra Shah has the courage, he should table a proposal to declare Nepal a Zone of Peace and pass it through Parliament by national consensus.
Although Nepal now has road and air links with China, we remain effectively India-locked due to the negligence of leaders who have ruled the nation since 1990.
At present, our tea is stranded at the Kakarbhitta Customs Office due to the new hurdle created by the Indian authorities. India has also introduced a requirement to renew approval for certain products, including steel items, in the Indian market. Delays in this renewal process have halted Nepali exports to India.
China has granted trade and transit facilities for Nepali products, but past Nepali governments have been reluctant to utilize them. At any time, for any reason, India can disrupt the supply of petroleum products. We have never seriously pursued alternative routes for petroleum imports. This is an example of India-dependent diplomacy—or, one could say, a foreign policy maintained by India-loyal political leaders.
We must focus on making our economy self-reliant. We should establish new industries to substitute imports. Moreover, we must move beyond the mindset of exporting electricity solely to the Indian market and instead use it to power domestic industries.
Nepal can develop new sectors such as data processing, Bitcoin mining, and energy-intensive industries by utilizing its electricity resources. The trade and transit facilities granted by China should be fully utilized, and Nepal should also import petroleum products and raw materials from China.
Nepal should not hesitate to endorse infrastructure development projects under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and accepting the Russian support.
It is unfortunate that Nepal has decided to postpone its graduation to “developing country” status for at least three years.
The main obstacle to mobilizing development funds is the current expensive political structure based on federalism, secularism, republicanism, and rampant corruption. To reduce political administrative costs and free resources for development, Nepal should return to the 1990 Constitution.
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