By Rabi Raj Thapa
Nepal has a long and tragic history of the killings and assassinations of political leaders and commanders, from Kaji Bhim Malla to Damodar Pandey (1804), and even more famous and powerful prime ministers like General Bhimsen Thapa, all of whom met tragic ends through killing, death, or imprisonment. Later, on September 14, 1845, General and Prime Minister Mathbarsingh Thapa was assassinated by his own cousin, Junga Bahadur Kunwar. Then, on the fateful night of September 14, 1846, the same Junga Bahadur orchestrated the bloody “Kot Massacre,” which wiped out many distinguished civil servants and military commanders, including Prime Minister Fateh Jang Shah.
All these killings and historical tragedies are vividly depicted by the prominent historian Ludwig F. Stiller in his book The Silent Cry (1976), which portrays Nepal’s political turmoil and conspiracies during the three decades following Nepal’s defeat to the East India Company (1814–1816) up to the bloody Kot Massacre.
Nepal’s prominent historian Baburam Acharya also wrote another seminal work, The Bloodstained Throne, as well as Aba Yesto Kahilyai Nahos (“Let It Not Happen Again”), depicting the historical tragedies of Nepal.
Since the dawn of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal in 2006, the country has been passing through episodes similar to those described in The Silent Cry. Supreme political leaders are now going through a nightmare-like political roller coaster. Today, they may not die physically, but they are dying every day through a fall from grace, loss of face, insults, and humiliation.
How do the people of Nepal view the self-exiled life of Nepal’s five-time prime minister? Consider three-time Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda–the Fierce and his People’s Liberation Army (PLA), which caused the deaths of around 17,000 Nepalis while destroying the country’s infrastructure, political stability, peace, and harmony. Consider also another three-time Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli, who now appears confined to the residence of one of his staunch supporters while struggling to hold on to his party chairmanship. Sadly, it seems they still hope to return to power and rule the Nepali people once again. If that happens, it may become another nightmare for the Nepali people.
It is no wonder that the incumbent prime minister has little respect or regard for those federal prime ministers and ministers who were defeated by the Young Turks of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP). What, then, is the proper role of a prime minister when standing and speaking from the parliamentary rostrum — a mandate, a matter of decorum, a moral duty, an offence, or a dereliction of duty?
The people now also seek answers from Parliament and the government. In this regard, the most important person to clarify the issue is the Speaker of the House himself.
Whatever the case may be, the old political parties that came to power through the federal agenda have now lost their strong voices and popular mandate after the 2026 elections. The Upper House has become a lame-duck institution, populated by redundant political leftovers who, many believe, have contributed little to the nation so far.
Similarly, almost all the so-called communist parties of Nepal that mushroomed after 1990 now seem to have completely lost their political honesty, clout, and influence over the Nepali people because of their long history of factional feuds, splits, and power struggles.
Therefore, the time has come for Balen Shah to come forward, reexamine and review the promises expressed in his “Bacha Patra” (commitments), and start afresh. In this regard, the issues of the monarchy and an all-encompassing Sanatan Hindu Rashtra must also receive due consideration, space, and respect.
Now there is also a message for the many Young Turks in Nepal’s Parliament and government. This may be the first time that a two-thirds-majority party, the Rastriya Swatantra Party, has presented its 100-point Roadmap 2082 B.S. (2026). It has promised “Net Zero Nepal!” through the establishment of benevolent and ethical governance (“Sadachari Shasan”). The message from the party chairman appears promising. Its theoretical philosophy of accommodation, historic Sanatan civilization, cultural inclusion, religious harmony, and assimilation also appears promising and convincing.
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