By Deepak Joshi Pokhrel
The immediate domino effect of the Gen-Z uprising was the collapse of the CPN-UML–Congress government led by KP Oli and the dissolution of Parliament. This was followed by the formation of a government under the leadership of former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, established as per an understanding between Gen-Z leaders and the President. The major task of the interim government was to hold elections by March 5, 2026. The interim government successfully conducted the elections, in which the Rashtriya Swatantra Party (RSP) emerged victorious with an almost two-thirds majority.
However, the most significant consequence of the Gen-Z movement was the end of the dominance of the three major parties—the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and the Maoists—which had looted the country in the name of politics. The leaders of these parties—Sher Bahadur Deuba, KP Oli, and Prachanda—had formed an informal power-sharing arrangement to establish and run governments on a rotational basis. Since no single party could secure a majority, they relied on each other’s strength to form governments. This laid the foundation for an unhealthy coalition culture in Nepal, with some coalition governments collapsing within a year, let alone completing a full term. Logically speaking, they abused the parliamentary system to an extreme extent.
After a decade of political instability and the politics of bhagbanda (power-sharing), the country is now governed by the Rashtriya Swatantra Party under the leadership of Balendra Shah. The RSP is a relatively new party founded on June 21, 2022, by Rabi Lamichhane. The party chair is a media person turned politician who first gained national prominence after playing a key role in rescuing trafficked Nepali girls from the West Asia. While the party secured 20 seats in the 2022 House of Representatives elections, emerging as the fourth-largest party in Parliament, it surprised everyone in the March 2026 elections by winning an almost outright majority.
Just before the March 2026 elections, an unexpected development unfolded in Nepal’s political grapevine. Balen Shah tendered his resignation as mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City and expressed his willingness to join the RSP on one condition—that he will be proposed as the party’s candidate for prime minister if it won the House of Representatives elections. Party chair Rabi rolled out the red carpet and welcomed him into the party.
The wave of anti-establishment sentiment was so powerful that RSP candidates won elections regardless of their individual merit or background. The result was a near-majority victory for the party in the March 2026 elections. Many argued that the party’s unprecedented triumph was largely due to Balen’s popularity, particularly among young voters. Although this claim holds some truth, Balen’s popularity alone could not have secured such a landslide victory. To say the least, the RSP’s growing popularity also played a pivotal role in making it the largest party in Parliament.
However, we must understand that a majority alone cannot guarantee stability in Nepali politics. Take the example of the Nepali Congress. During the first parliamentary elections, the party secured a majority with 74 out of 109 seats. Surprisingly, the Nepali Congress-led government eventually collapsed. The reason was not complicated. The party was plagued by internal bickering, rampant corruption, and politicization of institutions, growing kleptocratic tendencies, and the distribution of patronage.
Almost all political parties in Nepal have been afflicted by internal feuds and organisational atrophy. Leadership transition has always remained a bone of contention, as senior leaders are often reluctant to hand over power to younger generations. There are several interest groups and sub-interest groups within every party. Many parties have become increasingly irrelevant in the changing political context. Some are hollowing out both ideologically and organizationally. Given the existing animosity among leaders, many parties are likely to split into multiple factions.
Amid this culture of party fragmentation, the RSP appears to be holding together for now. Despite their different personalities, Rabi and Balen are currently walking hand in hand—something rare in a political culture often characterized by vendettas and leg-pulling. The party chair and the prime minister have reportedly reached a principled understanding that they will not allow greed or ego to erode the trust people have placed in them. At present, their cooperation bodes well for the country.
Prime Minister Balen is a results-and action-oriented leader, a man of few words, while party chair Rabi is an articulate communicator who is equally determined to deliver results. Likewise, the Prime Minister focuses on governance and implementation, whereas the party chair handles inter-party engagement and political management. This suggests that both have clearly defined roles and are able to work independently while collaborating and cooperating with one another.
Their present bonhomie marks a departure from Nepal’s traditional political practices. However, political history suggests that two powerful leaders rarely remain aligned for long. Baburam Bhattarai and Prachanda are notable examples. Both sought to emancipate the people and end injustice and inequality. Yet these two political allies eventually parted ways after entering mainstream politics. The reason was simple: the struggle for power. Likewise, GP Koirala and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai were frequently at odds over their working styles, approaches, and modus operandi. These are only a few examples among many.
Critics argue that Balen and Rabi are no exception. According to them, both have their own vested interests and ambitions for power. Given Nepal’s political history, this argument cannot be dismissed entirely. Nevertheless, we firmly believe that the Balen–Rabi partnership will make history by defying this trend and silencing its critics.
While this issue has become a subject of public discourse, it is still too early to assess what outcomes these dynamics will produce. One thing, however, is very clear: the rise of the RSP has ended the dominance of the three traditional parties—the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and the Maoists—which, many believe, kept the people in the dark and looted the country in the name of politics.
Login to add a comment