By Our Reporter
The Nepali Congress dispute is no longer simply a contest between Gagan Kumar Thapa and Sher Bahadur Deuba over who leads the party. It has become a contest over which convention party members will treat as their own. With With the party completing ward conventions in 6,132 wards across the country, the movement of former Deuba allies towards Sanepa has given Thapa an advantage. It does not, however, guarantee unity. Party’s former acting President, Purna Bahadur Khadka, who had filed a petition seeking to the postponement of the Special General Convention at the Supreme Court, has declared that the party would split in case some miracles happen.
More than three dozen leaders once associated with Deuba attended Thursday’s central committee meeting, according to the account provided. Their decision followed Thapa’s offer to accommodate members of the central committee elected under Deuba and recognise active memberships renewed before the special convention. Those steps matter because leaders considering a return needed to know whether their supporters would have a place in the next round of party elections. An invitation to join meant little if the convention process shut them out.
For Deuba, the departures weaken more than a list of familiar names. His camp plans a separate convention in December, but conventions need organisers, delegates and confidence that the exercise will shape the party’s future. Every senior figure who joins Thapa’s process makes it harder for Deuba to persuade others to wait. His remaining allies can still argue that the special convention which brought Thapa to power was illegitimate. The question is how many members will remain with them while that argument works its way through the courts.
Purna Bahadur Khadka’s position shows how unsettled the picture remains. Leaders close to him have moved towards Thapa, but Khadka himself has called for a postponement and talks with Deuba. His ally says Khadka will stay away while his case is before the Supreme Court. Khadka wants to prevent two rival conventions, and the risk he identifies is real: once both sides elect committees and office bearers, bringing them together becomes harder.
Thapa, though, has ruled out another delay. His ward conventions are set to lead to a central convention from October 2 to 5. He has invited Deuba and other former office bearers to take part, even suggesting that Deuba inaugurate the gathering. That gesture offers Deuba a dignified way back. It also puts pressure on him: rejecting an open invitation may make his separate December 7 to 9 convention look increasingly isolated.
Shekhar Koirala has chosen a third course. He has asked his supporters to stay away from both conventions and says he will work for unity. His concern deserves a hearing. A party already weakened by division cannot afford to turn its next convention into a test of loyalty to one leader. Yet neutrality has limits. If the rival processes go ahead, Shekhar and his supporters will face decisions about membership, representation and leadership whether they wish to or not. Waiting until both conventions are over may leave fewer chances to shape an agreement.
The legal dispute remains significant. The Election Commission recognised Thapa’s leadership, and a Supreme Court ruling in April recognised it too. Deuba and Khadka have been allowed to seek a review, while the earlier decision has not been suspended. That gives Thapa room to proceed, but a legal advantage alone cannot rebuild trust among party workers.
Congress needs a credible answer to a practical question: can members from all three camps compete fairly in one convention? Thapa has made openings and is gaining support. Deuba must decide whether a parallel gathering protects his followers or deepens their isolation. Shekhar, if he hopes to bring the sides together, needs to turn his call for unity into a proposal they can act on before separate conventions harden the split.
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