Thursday, August 27, 2026 01:41 PM

Protocol and diplomacy

By Rabi Raj Thapa

Since Balen Shah became prime minister, there have been some ripples in Nepal’s foreign relations and its dealings with foreign diplomats. The issue became controversial when the prime minister declined to meet some foreign delegates whom he considered to be lower in status than the prime minister.

But last Monday, August 24, India’s National Security Adviser, Ajit Doval, visited Beijing for the 25th round of India-China Special Representatives’ talks on the boundary dispute. There, he met Wang Yi, Director of the Office of the Central Commission for Foreign Affairs and Minister of Foreign Affairs of China, one of the most powerful Chinese leaders of the CPC. Nobody raised any question about talks between officials of equal status or about any protocol barrier.

As a matter of fact, there can be no barriers when delegates from two or more countries meet to discuss sensitive and crucial issues related to national security and mutual national interests.

In the same manner, Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar visited Moscow to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin. There was no question of protocol or any barrier to a foreign minister meeting the head of the Russian Federation.

Now, the same thing is happening with General Asim Munir of Pakistan. He is flying around, meeting heads of state to negotiate and mediate in an effort to bring peace between the USA and Iran, while also working toward the formation of a military alliance between Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan.

So, there seems to be some misreading or misunderstanding on the part of our incumbent Prime Minister Balen Shah regarding protocol and status when dealing with foreign delegates and diplomats.

As a matter of fact, there are many facets to international relations and diplomatic dealings beyond status and protocol. For example, many Nepali security personnel were surprised to see our prime minister wearing Zelenskyy-like attire while holding a formal meeting with the Indian Chief of Army Staff, General Dhiraj Seth. In fact, that shocked many security personnel who understand the norms and ethos of security organizations. It also raised questions such as: Does Balen Shah really abhor the Daura-Suruwal and Nepali Topi as national symbols? Maybe he owes an explanation to the people of Nepal for that.

Today, Nepal is losing ground in terms of its soft power and diplomatic acumen in a pitiable manner. In fact, Nepal should be at the forefront in South Asia as the current and longest-standing chair of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) since 2014. But where is SAARC, and what happened to it? How far should Nepal take responsibility for that? This is a serious question for successive governments of Nepal since 2014.

Any bilateral or multilateral relationship needs careful delivery, deliberation and follow-through to make it a success. Nepal seems to have lost its stamina to inquire about the Nepal-India Eminent Persons Group (EPG) report. Nepal has forgotten to pursue the grand red-carpet treatment of RSP Chairman Rabi Lamichhane, and that, too, has come to naught. Then Nepal’s new Foreign Minister, Shishir Khanal, visited India and China, where he was given grand receptions. But that, too, has now concluded without any significant impact or follow-through.

Then, how do we Nepalis think of protecting and preserving Nepal’s strategic survival as a nation?

It is a paradox to see the post-Gen Z government depending more on police and military power than on soft diplomatic power. The Nepal government needs to shake off its coercive administrative mindset and prioritize diplomacy and persuasive forms of administration.

If Nepal wants to have durable peace and stability, it should never allow any foreign boots to trample on Nepali soil. In the past, it was the great statecraft of Nepali leaders that made them successful in recovering lost territory without a fight during Jung Bahadur’s rule. It was Nepal’s soft power and great statecraft that successfully extricated foreign boots from Nepal’s northern borders in 1969–70.

Let’s hope the government of the young will learn these lessons soon and do better in the days to come.

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