P. Kharel
Free for all
Intra- as well as inter-party free-for-all criticisms are the staple of many a senior member of the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) and the main opposition Nepali Congress plus several others groups, including Madhes-based parties and Rastriya Prajatantra Parties.
Having performed poorly at all levels of the 2017 elections, the Nepali Congress is like a bull gone amok at the sight of a red rag. Mutual recriminations among its leaders began to somewhat subside after half a year of regular attacks by rivals on party President Sher Bahadur Deuba, and counter-criticism by the latter’s lieutenants.
Notwithstanding its two-thirds majority, the KP Oli-led government is yet to make any headway these past eight months. The prevailing situation contrasts sharply with what NCP factions (Maoists and UML) had pledged to the voting public during their local, provincial and general election campaigns last year. Announcement of the unification of the two communist groups contributed to the spurt in public expectations.
So far the government has nothing to satisfy the general people. Corruption went unchecked, heinous crimes occurred and the ruling parties have been filling public institutions with mediocre personnel, some of them with ignonimous track records.
Nepal Communist Party (NCP), particularly Prime Minister KP Oli’s UML faction, is embroiled in intra-organisational rift. As the main opposition party, NC is hyperactive in downgrading the government for failing to deliver. Leadership-hopeful and former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, Jhala Nath Khanal, Bam Dev Gautam and Oli make a four-headed UML factions engaged in pull the rung from under each other’s feet.
In the NC, party president and four-time Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, the eternal prime minister-in-waiting Ram Chandra Paudel and the late Girija Prasad Koirala’s blue-eyed boy Krishna Prasad Sitaula spend much of their time in holding their respective faction-herds together. In the process, NC proves to be the weakest opposition in the past 20 years.
Madhes-based parties, too, are plagued by dissension and frustrations within their rank and file. As a result, disenchantment with the leadership is deepening at dangerous levels. The three parties, basically consisting of former panchas, have not been able to come together to once more unite themselves for emerging as a force to reckon with, and avoid being reduced to the status of a spent force for good.
New equation in making
Now that marked changes in Sino-Indian ties are slowly but surely emerging, Bhutan’s diplomatic activity might increase, with New Delhi’s nod and nudge. With a seven-decade-old treaty that hands over Bhutan’s right to independently conduct its foreign defense policies to India, the new track should mean that Beijing and New Delhi have had long talks over Bhutan’s course of diplomatic thrust in the ensuing years. The Indian government will always be there to aid, advise and, if necessary, aggressively assert it role under the “friendship” treaty.
A number of newspaper articles in the last few weeks cropped up in the Indian news media by commentators considered to have acquired expertise, which also means their regular line of communication and consultation with the Indian establishment.
Before drawing premature conclusion, however, there are quite a few prickly issues that demand meaningful Sino-Indian long-pending border dispute. It may be recalled that, in June 2017, a border confrontation started, when Indian troops moved in to stop China from constructing a road in Bhutan’s Doklam region. Beijing and New Delhi two months later agreed to pull out troops. The fact is that while the Indian troops were withdrawn promptly by August 28, it was agreed that Chinese troops would also pull out “after some time”!
Proven deterioration
So the 8th National Games has been deferred once again. This time the deadline extension is by more than two months. According to the National Sports Council’s latest board meeting decision, the sporting jamboree will take place from February 8 to 15. The 13th South Asian Games (SAG) also continues to be in a limbo. During the Jakarta Asiad this year, South Asian Olympic Committees discussed the issue, and Sri Lanka offered to host the regional Games if Nepal could still not manage it in the foreseeable future. Nepal did not concede to the Lankan proposal nor does it confirm when exactly the meet will be organised. What a shame!
Of note is that Sharad Chandra Shaha, as member-secretary of National Sports Council and president of Nepal Olympic Committee, in the 1980s, was the brain behind the South Asian Federation Games (SAFG), as it was initially known. However, neither Bangladesh nor Bhutan was prepared to host the maiden edition of the Games. The charter stipulates that the competitions be organised by member countries on an alphabetically rotational order. With Bangladesh and Bhutan expressing inability, India was next in line to skip the opportunity to play host.
Shaha’s initiative and enthusiasm had impressed his South Asian counterparts so much that they, under the circumstances, asked Nepal to host SAG’s maiden edition. Shaha’s team accepted the request. The opening and closing ceremonies were especially remarkable of a meet that attracted lusty commendations by all member nations three and a half decades ago. And, alas, what a fate of our sports today!
Without comment
Member of House of Representatives Hridesh Tripathi, in Annapurna Post: “The role of parliament has been reduced to merely performing rituals.”
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