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Tangible Corrections

The past decade of populism in Nepali politics has exposed itself for what it is: mere populism. If the science of development has taught the world that there are mere two avenues for development—moneys and education—political society’s perversion of the two since the past decades has made it abjectly evident that the politics of the country has distanced the population from development. The growing disenchantment with politics amongst the population has, simultaneously also, increased popular awareness of the Indian role in the perversion and so the rise of anti-Indian-ism in Nepal is becoming increasingly evident. The fact is that seventy years plus since the removal of Western colonialism from the Indian subcontinent, the region remains among the most impoverished. What role Indian politics has played in this impoverishment is only now coming into sharper focus since the corrections since the 1990s in Indian economic policies forced a dispassionate appraisal of the past mistakes of post-colonial policies for the Indian economy to survive. The focus on independent and dispassionate analyses of Indian politics is only now gaining momentum down south both because of the widespread exposure of a rising middle class to politics and policies in other countries and also because of the dissemination of policy options among a middle class previously steeped in the rhetoric of ‘independence’ politics.
Change in Indian politics and the international environs must inevitably force questions on the Indian psyche on what and where South Asia deviated from the rest of the world to continue to inherit a breadbasket enthused by exploitative colonialists. This becomes especially pertinent in these times when the Indians are increasingly aware that pre-colonial mindset should be discarded in order to gain the trust of a neighborhood to enthuse that necessary trust for a healthy partnership in the region for which India can definitely have a leading role.  Awareness in the neighborhood bears witness, on the other hand, to India loosing grounds in the neighborhood itself. This trust deficiency is most easily reflected on the current fate of SAARC which was a spontaneous neighborhood response to Indian options. The costs will most obviously be reflected in such other India originated movements such as BIMSTEC and BRICS. Of course, much of the analyses now emanating from Indian sources must have to do with the forthcoming Indian elections where both the sitting government and the opposition intelligentsia must cite the Indian foreign policy failures to put the blame on the opposing sides. But the consensus that they are failures and that their source lies in previous mistakes should be enough to demand corrections. It is these failures that have ensured the reduced capabilities of individual neighbors to correct themselves. That was after all perhaps the design. Unless, corrected tangibly though, these failures will continue to reflect on Indian policies and politics. The Nepali case is merely one example. The sooner the corrections manifest themselves tangibly in the neighborhood, the more congenial Indian politics will be for development.

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